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Sabtu, 15 Juli 2017

Download Ebook Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz

Juli 15, 2017 // by samuelflosavanapagani // // No comments

Download Ebook Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz

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Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz

Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz


Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz


Download Ebook Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz

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Stolen Sovereignty: How to Stop Unelected Judges from Transforming America, by Daniel Horowitz

Review

wNo one elected anyone to fundamentally transform American society and yet it's happened, at the speed of light. How did the radical left pull it off? More importantly: How do Americans get their freedom back? Daniel Horowitz is one of the sharpest writers and thinkers in the conservative movement and Stolen Sovereignty is another notch in his belt. It's required reading for anyone devoted to liberty. --Brent Bozell, founder and president of the Media Research CenterStolen Sovereignty is a brilliant and much needed call to arms. Easily one of the most important books of our new century, it is a must-read for every American. Stolen Sovereignty reminds us once more that not only is freedom never free, but that it must zealously guarded by a grateful, informed, and invested citizenry. Daniel E. Horowitz is an outstanding writer who masterfully breaks down the issues and presents an overwhelming case for liberty. --Brad Thor, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Foreign AgentStolen Sovereignty is a wake-up call for every activist who has wondered why conservative electoral victories rarely translate into real world change. We are being ruled, not governed, and this book explains in detail how it is happening. --Dan Bongino, former Secret Service agent and author of Life Inside the Bubble

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About the Author

Daniel Horowitz is a Senior Editor at Conservative Review and a regular guest on nationally syndicated radio programs such as Sean Hannity, Laura Ingraham, and Steve Deace, along with weekly appearances on more than ten regional radio shows. Horowitz’s pieces are often quoted in articles in the Associated Press, Wall Street Journal, USA Today, and on Fox News. Horowitz resides in Baltimore, Maryland with his wife and three children.

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Product details

Hardcover: 288 pages

Publisher: WND Books (July 19, 2016)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 1944229299

ISBN-13: 978-1944229290

Product Dimensions:

6.5 x 1 x 9.2 inches

Shipping Weight: 1.1 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

4.7 out of 5 stars

41 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#705,424 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

Horowitz does a great job identifying a problem which has been largely ignored. This is that an unelected Supreme Court has become a super legislature dictating social policy in America.It does this by giving itself the power to override any law it doesn't like enacted by elected representatives in Congress, the elected legislatures of the states, or the voters themselves. It has thus disenfranchised these three entities. As a result, we have "social transformation without representation." America is now a country primarily ruled by courts and government bureaucrats. This is why so many people feel that elections don't matter.The Supreme Court has particularly violated the sovereignty of the states which created the United States to protect their rights. The 10th Amendment to the Constitution explicitly protects the right of states to manage their own affairs but the court has ignored it. A recent example is the court forcing its definition of marriage onto all states.This problem has arisen because the founders never imagined that the Supreme Court would turn itself into a super legislature and thus provided no safeguards against that. The result is that we have an unelected Supreme Court with no real checks or balances. Hamilton thought it would be "the least dangerous branch." Madison thought that under the Constitution the "legislative branch predominates." When the Supreme Court began exploiting this hole in the Constitution, Jefferson stated it was becoming a "despotic branch." The result is today's "social transformation without representation."The Supreme Court has now gone further in violating the states' sovereignty by preventing them from protecting themselves from the invasion of illegal aliens. The Constitution guarantees states a "republican form of government." There is no republican form of government when the court can override the acts of elected state officials. The Constitution also guarantees the federal government will protect states "against invasion." There is no such protection when the court aids the influx of illegal aliens. Currently the federal courts are further disenfranchising the citizenry by voiding voter ID laws, thus allowing illegals to vote. We have de facto open borders by judicial fiat.Horowitz proposes a practical solution under Article IV of the Constitution. This article gave Congress authority to establish federal courts below the Supreme Court and it has done so by establishing the federal appellate courts. But most of the ammunition the Supreme Court is using to disenfranchise America is coming from appealed rulings from these courts. Congress should use its power to either abolish some of these courts or to at least to define their legal power. Congress can do this, for example, by passing a law and providing that it is not subject to federal appellate jurisdiction. Under the Constitution the Supreme Court has original jusrizdiction in only a few limited areas. It relies on appeals from the appellate courts to legislate social engineering.But this solution requires Congress to act and it can take a long time for Congress to do anything substantial as it is reluctant to change the status quo. I see no problem with the states declaring which federal rulings the states will follow. First, the states should have ultimate power since they created the United States and not the other way around. Second, the Supreme Court has simply given itself the power to overrule the states so the states can respond likewise as they are ultimately the main constitutional power.

Stolen Sovereignty is a book that's long overdue. In a perfect world, this book would be mandatory reading in high school civics. Our government has strayed so incredibly far from our founding and we are near if not over the tipping point rendering our beloved constitution a meaningless relic. Daniel Horowitz is one of the best young minds in the conservative movement, and proposes several workable solutions to return this once great land back to the principles we were founded on. On the issue of the illegal alien invasion and the federal government's responsibility to protect national and state borders, Daniel states pretty much what I've been saying for years, "the federal government must guarantee that protection, and if they fail to do so, it is a violation of the underpinnings of the agreement to join the union." The government's first and foremost duty is to protect the nation from invasion and they are failing miserably. I can't recommend this book highly enough.

Surprisingly, I have found reading bombastic attacks on the Supreme Court to often raise very important issues worthy of serious consideration. I found this initially in reviewing Mark Levin's "Men in Black" several years ago. It is also certainly true about this book, which carries an intro by Levin. The author writes for "Conservative Review", also edited recently by Levin. While I have some basic fundamental differences with the author, nonetheless his book is of very high quality and reflects a tremendous amount of research and analysis.It consists in my opinion of four interconnected sections.First, the author sketches some background information on the Supreme Court which, as Hamilton noted, was to have neither "force nor will." In short, the Court has developed into a much more powerful institution than intended. The other negative force the author identifies is the "unrepresentative bureaucracy," though he reserves most of his fire for the federal courts. The author is no fan of the "living constitution" school of interpretation, and specifically rejects the theory that the passage of the 14th Amendment somehow enhanced the power and authority of the Court.In the combustible second section, chapters 2-4, the author discusses some of the familiar conservative condemnation list of recent Court decisions. Individual chapters are devoted to: Obamacare, religious liberty (including gay marriage), and immigration decisions. While the author is unsparing in his fiery condemnation of these decisions, the result is a useful perspective on some of the very decisions that he believes illustrate the growth of unrestrained judicial power and the dangers the unelected Court presents to a democratic system. While I certainly would dispute some of his contentions, overall folks like me benefit enormously from hearing and considering the author's forceful arguments. It is a very healthy situation to have one's deeply held values so skillfully challenged by the author, such that reconsideration is merited. This is how one learns.The third section (chapters 5-8) presents a surprisingly extensive discussion of immigration issues which I had not anticipated. Beyond question, the author must be one of the most extensively informed individuals writing today on this topic. As evidenced by the extensive notes, he has researched massively and effectively to find material to enrich his discussion. Many of his points were entirely unfamiliar to me. I think this is one of the major contributions of the book, to present and discuss these important points in an effective and cogent fashion. Anyone who wants to dismiss Conservative warnings about the negative effects of our current immigration policies, judicial and Congressional, better address the author's contentions first. This is exactly the kind of informed discussion we need in order to consider this vital issue.The final section is also exceedingly important. Here in chapter 9, the author discusses ways in which the federal courts can be reined in. We do not have to resort to constitutional amendments, conventions of the states, or other drastic solutions--the author argues the tools are already in the Constitution. Explicitly, the author is pointing to the ability of Congress to limit the jurisdictional reach of the lower federal courts and to a lesser extent the Supreme Court. Without jurisdiction, no court can act in a designated area. The important McCardle Supreme Court decision recognized and accepted this Congressional authority. Also, Congress controls judicial appointments; can set terms and perhaps even impose requirements for supermajority or unanimous decisions; let impeachments fly; and dictates the size of the Court and its budget. But the jurisdictional authority ("jurisdiction striping") of Congress is the primary device the author advocates. In his final chapter, the author urges quick action for he believes time is short to deal with this judicial crisis.A fine book which I ended up liking quite a lot to my surprise. The book's contributions in explaining immigration issues and the jurisdictional resources of Congress are primary in my opinion among many others. A most worthwhile book to spend some time with.

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